Gordon Wilson is outraged. “This is nuts,” the veteran B.C. politician declares in his paper-strewn office in Victoria’s ornate legislature. Canada, he warns, is on the verge of handing “complete control” of its economy to foreigners—threatening the future of cherished institutions such as the CBC and services like public auto insurance in British Columbia. The doomsday rhetoric is reminiscent of the wrenching national debate over free trade during the 1988 general election. As the scrappy leader of the B.C. Liberals at the time, Wilson was one of the most vocal opponents of the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement. In 1994, he publicly lambasted Prime Minister Jean Chrétien for signing the North American Free Trade Agreement.
This time, Wilson and other critics say, the stakes are even higher. The target of their fury is the proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment, a wide-ranging accord currently being negotiated in Paris by Canada and the 25 other members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. The proposed deal, opponents say, goes far beyond NAFTA in tying the hands of Canadians to shape their future, and could cost thousands of jobs. “We’re giving away the keys to the country,” says Wilson.
While Wilson’s dire predictions are open to debate, there is no doubt that the proposed agreement would give multinational corporations unprecedented access to the Canadian market. Renato Ruggiero, director-general of the World Trade Organization, recently said of the talks, ‘We are writing the constitution of a single global economy.” Supporters say Canada must open its borders further to ensure that export-driven domestic companies enjoy greater access to foreign markets. “From a business viewpoint, it’s a no-brainer,” says Alan Rugman, a University of Toronto business professor who prepared a background study for the OECD before the current round of negotiations began in 1995.
Whatever the agreement’s merits, the federal government is clearly not anxious to draw attention to the negotiations during the runup to an expected June election. Although few Canadians have heard of the proposed deal, the talks have been going on for two years, and an agreement is likely by May of next year. Tony Clarke, who runs an Ottawa-based nationalist think-tank, says the issue is so sensitive that, until last week, it was never even broached in the Liberal caucus.
Federal NDP Leader Alexa McDonough, by contrast, has been following the talks closely in hopes of embarrassing the Liberals on
the election trail. Chrétien, she says, is still stinging from criticism that he reneged on his 1993 election promise to renegotiate NAFTA. By raising the spectre of the MAI, she wants to remind voters of the government’s flip-flop. “The Liberals,” she says, “have no intention for there to be a broad public debate.”
Quietly, however, Canada has backed the deal from the beginning. Chrétien gave it his seal of approval during the 1995 Group of Seven summit in Halifax, says Rugman, who claims credit for helping to shape the proposed treaty in his background paper that same year. Former Liberal cabinet minister Donald Johnston, now secretary-general of the OECD, is also a strong advocate. “There are Canadian fingerprints all over the MAI,” says Rugman. ‘The untold story is that we’re the real heroes getting it going.”
RULES OF THE GAME
The proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment would require Canada to:
¿y* Stop favoring Canadian companies or investors when handinj out loans or privatizing Crown corporations. Among other things, this could make it harder for workers to buy their own companies.
Lift laws requiring that a majority of a company’s directors be residents of Canada or certain provinces, or that restrict visas for foreign executives and managers.
(4F** Openly declare which industries are completely or partly closed to foreign investment, and set a timetable for rolling back those barriers. Canada and France, for example, want to protect cultural industries, but the United States opposes such protection.
(4T Set up arbitration panels to rule on disputes between investors and governments.
Trade Minister Art Eggleton plays down Canada’s role and insists that the Liberals will not agree to anything that threatens Canada’s culture or sovereignty. “As far as I know—I’m sure somebody told me this not too long ago—we did not initiate this matter,” he said. He added that, with a settlement as much as a year away, “it’s too early” to debate the deal publicly.
Even so, Eggleton is obviously concerned about a possible backlash. Last week, a day after Maclean’s questioned him about the talks, his office fired off a memo to all Liberal MPs inviting them to a closed-door MAI briefing to discuss media reports that “raise the question of potential problems as to the sovereignty of Canada.” Apart from the NDP, the opposition parties do not seem worried about the proposed agreement. Tory chief Jean Charest failed to return calls on the issue. Benoit Sauvageau, the Bloc Québécois’s trade critic, says his party agrees with the MAI in principle. Reform trade critic Charlie Penson is also a supporter: “I really think it’s in Canada’s interests to go along with it.”
Critics, however, say the agreement runs counter to Canada’s interests. Clarke, director of the Polaris Institute, says the corner-
stone of the MAI is a demand for so-called national treatment for foreign investors. That could prevent OECD member countries from favoring domestic companies in government loan programs or when Crown corporations are privatized.
Under NAFTA, Canada reserved the right to limit foreign ownership of companies such as Air Canada to 25 per cent. But Clarke says that if the government decided to privatize parts of the CBC, it would be hard-pressed under MAI to prevent bids from such U.S. giants as TimeWarner or Disney. He adds there is nothing in the draft agreement to indicate Canada is seeking cultural protection. Only France has asked for an exemption for “literary and artistic works.”
Even if Canada did try to protect specific industries, the agreement contains clauses that would require the elimination of such barriers by a specified date or prevent Canada from introducing new restrictions. The low-interest loans and subsidies that Ottawa gives to poorer regions and selected companies are also vulnerable, says Clarke. If a foreign-owned firm was passed over for such loans, it could haul the government before an arbitration board to seek compensation.
NAFTA already gives U.S. companies the right to challenge Ottawa. Last week, Ethyl Corp. of Richmond, Va., hit the federal government with a $347-million damage claim for banning the gasoline additive MMT. But Clarke says the MAI goes further by allowing companies to seek compensation if a government interferes with an investment they had not made but were only considering.
If the MAI does put an end to government-sponsored loan programs, the impact could be devastating, says Tom Kordyback, chief financial officer of Creo Products Inc. of Burnaby, B.C. The company, which makes laser-imaging equipment for the printing industry, has expanded in the past four years from about 100 employees to 665. That growth would have been impossible, says Kordyback, without $5.5 million in interest-free loans from Ottawa. Government loans also helped Ballard Power Systems Inc. of Burnaby, B.C., which last week announced a $508-million alliance with Daimler-Benz AG of Germany to develop clean-burning fuel-cell engine systems. “I would hate to see those programs go away,” says Kordyback. “They’ve provided a lot of jobs.”
Despite the drawbacks, Canada cannot afford to remain outside the MAI, says Vancouver trade lawyer Chris Thomas. “Canada believed in the ’60s that the world was beating a path to its door, and that ain’t the case any more,” says Thomas, who is now defending Mexico in a dispute brought by two U.S. waste-management firms.
Rugman adds that the draft treaty contains some important benefits. European governments, he says, have manipulated environmental laws to keep out Canadian forest products. The MAI will make that harder, he says, while discouraging OECD members from introducing measures like the U.S. Helms-Burton Act, which punishes foreign nations that do business with Cuba. “Anything that makes for greater stability is welcome,” says Jim Moore, a vice-president with the Alliance of Manufacturers & Exporters Canada.
Most Canadians, says Rugman, now realize that agreements like the MAI are essential for the country’s well-being. “The only argument [economic nationalists] have left is that these agreements are an agenda for business,” says Rugman. “If you don’t like business, you have a problem today.” For Wilson and others, however, the more serious problem is the threat to Canada’s sovereignty.
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