J. L. RUTLEDGE January 1 1920


J. L. RUTLEDGE January 1 1920



THE average Labor man, faced with the question as to what strange turn of events sent eleven untried Labor men to the Ontario Legislature, will probably answer that it was in response to the popular demand that certain social and economic problems should be faced, as they had not been faced by the old party organization.

Is this a correct deduction? Does the return of these Labor members evidence the first incision of the wedge that is to lead to a new political era encompassing the whole Dominion, introducing a new series of conditions demandlnr

ing the consideration of new political problems; or is it merely another instance of the mountain travailing and bringing forth a mouse? This is a question that, in the first blush of wholly unexpected events, is difficult to answer off-hand. Unquestionably among the eleven members elected on the Labor ticket, and the two or three others elected on the dual ticket of U.F.O. and Labor, there are some figures that show a rugged strength suggestive of mountain possibilities; there is too, here and there, the unmistakable hall-mark of the mouse; and in some instances there is a curious mixture of the two.

To the Labor man the present is unquestionably the dawning of the day of promise. In the past it seemed impossible for Labor to get any footing in politics. Labor candidates were seldom able to .save their deposits even. But to-day, with the impetus of their Ontario victories to spur them on, the idea of a Dominion-wide Labor party has definitely taken root and it is clear to all that Labor will, from now on, bea force to reckon with in politics. In Ontario the new force or group or party, whichever it should be called, has a chance to prove itself. To the task it brings a lack of hampering traditions, a lack of knowledge of accepted formulae, and a lack of hidebound adherence to threadbare party dogmas, that may or may not work out well.

What this new untrammelled force in politics may mean is impossible to tell, save in so far as a man’s past character and achievements may serve to forecast his future action. In so much, therefore, these brief outlines may be of moment.

The New Labor Minister

'T'HE portfolio of Labor naturally fell to the Labor A Party and its mantle just about as naturally fell on the shoulders of Walter R. Rollo of Hamilton. Not that his is a figure that stood out from the crowd through any preponderating ability. He is a man of more or less ordinary attainments, yet with the gift of growth. A fellow citizen of the new minister, who is not a Labor man nor tinged with any of the Labor doctrines, said of him : “I don’t know much about Rollo, and I don’t know much about his abilities, but I know this—that in the past years he has several times been forced into new responsibilities and in every case he grew into his job.”

Unquestionably it is a far cry from the editorship of the Labor News, or from the broom-maker’s bench, to the mahogany chair of the Minister of Labor. It

may be that its duties are beyond his talents, and it may be again, that as in smaller affairs he will grow into his job. He sits at present in that mahogany chair before a big mahogany desk in the Department of Labor offices in Queen’s Park, a rugged, thickset figure of a man with heavy overhanging brows, and hair, for all that he is only 44 years of age, already touched with grey; a little self-conscious, a little uncertain, but with an appreciation of an opportunity and the will to meet it. The writer has talked with Mayor McBride of Brantford, and knows what he would have done had he been Minister, and he has talked with the Hon. Walter Rollo and does not know what he will do. His actual deeds will not be cluttered up with a mass of evidence of what he meant to do, for the new Minister has the gift of silence, no small quality in a politician. He is ready to realize that it is one thing to advocate changes as an abstract idea of right, and another to force them into being at the cost of other needs and other rights. He is quick to see that Labor’s demands cannot be achieved in a day, and he is confident that Labor will realize his position, and will be content to make reasonable compromises to achieve a reasonable end.

He Favors Farmer Union

The Hon. Mr. Rollo is a strong advocate of the union with the Farmers’ party. “We had only eleven members,” he said, “in a house of a hundred and eleven, and we couldn’t hope for much by ourselves. But we can hope for something from this co-operation. We’ve formulated our platform and the Farmers have formulated theirs. We don’t agree on all points, and we have had to forego some of the matters that Labor holds of prime importance. But on these points we have agreed to disagree and have a united policy that promises at least some of the things for which the Labor party has long been struggling. These we could not have gained alone. I do not expect any disruption of this agreement. Matters will be discussed between us and some working agreement reached. There will be no difference of opinion on Government bills, because the points of difference will have been faced and settled before the bill is introduced.”

Among the great hopes of Labor that he believes will have to wait, is the Eight-hour Day. He is ready to see that its enforcement would put the province at an enormous disadvantage in its competi-

tive trade. He is willing to see that the eight-hour scale is impossible on the farm, and he is confident that Labor as a whole will see with him. But on the question of a minimum wage he sees no such difficulties. Whether he can. achieve Labor’s aims in this regard or not he does not know, certainly he cannot tell if it can be achieved at the coming session. But, whether or no, it will certainly be inaugurated at this session.

The Hon. Walter Rollo was born near Edinburgh and came to ■ Canada when five years of age. His father was a maltster and, finding nothing to do in Eastern Ontario, finally drifted to Walkerville where young Rollo lived for some time and attended school. He left school early, however, and the education he has received has been largely in the rubbing of shoulders with men..“Books,” says Robert Louis Stevenson, “are good enough in their way, but they are a mighty bloodless substitute for life.” Rollo’s education has the blood of life in it. He knows Labor from Alpha to Omega or whatever the beginning and end of the Labor movement may be. He has held every office in the local labor union and the same in the Trades and Labor council, and for 10 years past he has been secretary of that organization. He was one of those primarily interested in the formation of the Independent Labor Party. He has never been associated with any political party, and never held a city office because he never had the necessary property qualification. Added to that he has been a practical broommaker for 22 years and has been associated with one firm. In May last he took over the editorship of the Labor News of Hamilton. As well as being Labor Minister he is a Moose and a Forester, but there his society associations cease, if we leave out the secretaryship of the Hamilton Poultry Association.

He has a wife and two children, and a flock of White Orpington chickens that are almost as dear. Here is a link at least to bind him to his present agrarian affiliations, the pleasant duckings of his hens that he hears every morning; because as yet he travels daily between his home and Toronto.

Such is the new Labor Minister, an almost untried man, and yet one to whom Labor gave its unqualified endorsation, well knowing his moderate viewpoint and whom the Ontario Premier, after mature consideration, gladly accepted.

There is reasonable ground for assurance that he again will grow into his job.

The Hon. Henry Mills

rpHE creation of a Ministry of Mines, a portfolio by the way that has yet to be ratified, gave Labor its second Cabinet position, and Harry Mills of Fort William, was chosen to fill it. Geographical consideration made it advisable that a minister should be chosen from North-west Ontario, which pretty well threw the portfolio into the hands of Labor, for Kenora, Sault Ste. Marie and Fort William all returned Labor members. When the matter was under consideration the Boards of Trade and municipal organization in practically every town and city west of Sault Ste. Marie wired the Premier their hearty endorsation of the choice of Mills for that position. Twenty-six years ago Henry Mills, a young Englishman of scarcely twenty years, began working as a humble wiper for the Canadian Pacific Railway, and until he was taken from a locomotive cab to fill the portfolio of Mines he made his daily run in the cab of the Transcontinental Limited.

It may be that the very fact of his training has its bearing on his new position. The man who sits in the engine cab of a passenger express carries on his shoulders as heavy responsibilities as any political position could give him. On his judgment and quickness of decision and care rest the safety, not of measures, but of lives. Few other occupations carry with them this same measure of personal responsibility, and the man trained in this school should be worthy of consideration. It is to be remembered too that the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen has always been the steadying influence in labor. They have stood for the best things of the Labor movement, which is in itself indicative of his probable viewpoint. Moreover, in regard to another provincial issue, the railroads have always demanded absolute abstinence on the part of their men, and the judgment of the engine cab has endorsed the wisdom of this viewpoint.

There are those who wonder that a modest railwayman, hitherto unknown to politics, should have been chosen. But those who know him best knew that he was ready. For years he has been quietly training himself for just such an opportunity; at night and during the spare moments off his Transcontinental “run.” he has put in his time in the study of politics and the things that appertain thereto. He trained himself thoroughly in the mixing game, identifying himself with most fraternal organizations, and going through them all to their highest official positions. It is probably in these and in the railway lodges, that he learned the possibilities of an organized movement, and the way to handle men without friction. At any rate it is said that his campaign in Fort William was the most complete ever known in the north. His majority of 1,298 over two opponents is a tangible proof of this statement.

He is not likely to be stampeded into hasty action on any important subject. First, last and always, caution stands as his outstanding characteristic. He is by nature and training a diplomat, with a faculty for getting out of tight places without bruising other people’s feelings. As one who knew him well has stated: “The portfolio of Mines found a ready-made politician when opportunity rang the Mills doorbell and ushered it in.”

Two More From the North DETER HEENAN of Kenora also will forsake the * railway man’s life for the legislative halls. He is not a man of wide knowledge or training. He has done his share of hard work and it bears its marks upon him, but on the other hand he is a man of strong convictions and has the virtue of being ready to make sacrifices' for their attainment. His .constituency, knowing that a portfolio would in all probability come to thát section of the country, were eager that it should settle on Kenora, but Heenan thought differently. There are few men who would not be glad of such an honor, but Heenan was a big enough man to throw his influence in favor of Mills.

J. B. Cunningham of Sault Ste. Marie, is a solid man of moderate opinions, to use the terminology of the Labor movement. He is not a speaker but a man of level head and clear judgment. His strength is shown in his defeat of the former Ontario Premier, an evidence that Labor is solidly behind him.

The Stormy Petrel of the Movement A/fAYOR M. M. MacBride of Brantford, began his public life as a professional lacrosse player. Lacrosse in those days in Brantford was more than a sport, it was almost a religion. Sober first citizens felt it an honor if one of the team passed the time of day with him, and the same sober citizen went home and mentioned the fact to his wife with as casual an air as he could assume. Brantford lived and worked, and, in its moments of danger, prayed for the team with a single-hearted devotion. Brantford was the home of Chief Joseph Brant, a figure of no mean standing in his day, and the birthplace of the telephone, an invention of some importance; but that lacrosse team surpassed all these. It was the nearest and dearest thing to the Brantfordite’s heart, and the players were worshipped accordingly. Thus it was that Mayor MacBride got his first taste of public applause, and he is ready to admit that he liked it; ready, too, to admit that it was probably this very thing that gave him the first urge toward public life.

Morrison Malcolm MacBride was not a brilliant player. His position at second defence did not admit of fireworks but it gave him an opportunity of another sort. Before each game, the trainer or captain would come to him:

‘‘Look here, Mac,” he would say, “this fellow Hoobin is going to beat us if we don’t spike his guns. He’s fast as an express train. The game’s going to hinge on you, Mac. You stick to this bird like glue. Never mind getting the ball yourself. Just see that he doesn’t.”

It was always the same. MacBride was assigned to cover the brilliant man on the other team and he would settle down to his task, shadowing and checking with an enthusiasm and persistency that reduced his opponent to a figure of tearful blasphemy and bruises. The aggressive pompadour, now tinged with grey, grew to be a thing of terror to opposing teams. His game was not to make goals but to smother the efforts of others. Consider this point, for it may throw some light on future events.

MacBride grew up under the adulation of the people of a small city, and the wine of it got into his blood. He wanted more, and he wanted it long after the passing years had slowed liis pace too much for the playing field, and the glory that was Brantford’s had become a thing of memory.

He is unquestionably a man of ambition, with the will, and in a measure at least the ability, to follow where it leads. He is not cursed with that so prevalent quality of modesty. The limelight has no terrors for him. He likes its plesant-sounding sputter, and if it shows a tendency to stray from his locality it is more than likely that he will move his chair into its neighborhood. He remarked some time ago that, if he could not find a place in one side or the other of the House, he would get a three-cornered stool and sit in the centre. And those who know him must realize that he thinks of that three-cornered stool with a certain sense of yearning.

An Aggressive Career

Mayor McBride is no doubt one of the best educated of the Labor members. He claims to have read pretty well everything that has been written. He is a glib and persistent talker, has indeed a fatal facility in the use of words, and a certain picturesque style that will make him a factor in debate.

In an assembly of men unused to public life he is at an advantage. He has been an alderman for one year and mayor for two, and moreover, for all his little peculiarities, he has made a fairly good mayor. He is aggressive in his methods of government. In the time of coal shortage, Brantford was amply supplied, because Mayor MacBride went to Buffalo and pleaded and browbeat and cajoled until he got it, and the city is not losing money in the venture. He claims to have lowered the cost of potatoes last year by threatening to bring them in by the carload. We

know these things because he has told of them loudly and often. He is a Labor man of long standing, with 27 years in the Typographical Union to his credit, and under his guidance the eight-hour day and the minimum wage are in force in the city. According to his own statement he adopts an uncompromising attitude on these questions, and can see no room for compromise in any Government action dealing with these two subjects.

He prides himself on the unswerving nature of his opinions. When he started a little insurgent movement of his own in the party caucus on finding the programme of agreement with the U.F.O. not entirely to his liking and cast himself out, there were no pronounced signs of sorrow in the gathering. Frank Greenlaw of St. Catharines, Ont., was the only member present who went with him. It is indicative of the hold he had on Labor in his own constituency, however, that it endorsed his stand.

Dr. Hughie Stevenson

TAR. H. A. STEVENSON of London, is another picturesque figure. Four years ago, after he had been beaten at the polls, he stated to a newspaperman that he would yet beat Beck. The newspaperman chuckled at this. It looked a foolish idea. There are a good many people who laugh at Hughie Stevenson on general principles, anyway. But the point is that four years after he did beat Sir Adam Beck right in his own territory.

There are people who have seen in the result of this election a manifestation of the growth of the Labor feeling. In this particular instance, however, there seems reason for the belief that this was the smallest element in the decision. It was Sir Adam’s enemies, and Hughie’s friends who turned the election, for Sir Adam has made some enemies and Hughie Stevenson has made many friends. He has made friends because he has taken pains to do so. Barring Toronto’s energetic mayor, Hughie Stevenson has been probably the most persistent mixer in the province. He went about it diligently, gathering in all the little tricks and graces that could assist. Only a comparatively short time ago he learned to dance. Now there is hardly a public function of the kind where he is not seen. He drops in some time during the evening in time to take a turn or so with some fluttered, middle-aged lady, who breathlessly protests that she does not know the new dances; and while you are looking for him he is gone, to turn up somewhat later at a negro wedding or a Jewish festival or something of the kind. If there were twenty events taking place in an evening he would be at them all just long enough for people to know he had been there; and when it is all over and when there is no where else to go but home he drifts into the newspaper offices, where even the cuhbiest cub reporter calls him “Hughie.”

There are people who say that Hughie is a crazy man, a “nut,” and they back it up by instancing some of his rather striking methods of gaining publicity; but there is another side to him and that side takes in another of his family, for there are two Dr. Stevensons in London. If you happen to call one of them in, especially if it is an operation, the chances are that they, will both arrive, for they mostly work together, and Hughie is known as one of the deftest hands with the chloroform cone in the province. They have a tremendous practice in London and within a radius of 150 miles around. The word “they” is used advisedly for, when people of that locality think of Dr. Stevenson, they think in the plural. Dr. Hughie gives the anesthetic, Dr. Willie does the operating, and when the work is done that ends it. They never send a bill. If you have money they reason you'll pay; if you haven’t why of course you can’t and that ends the matter as far as they are concerned. But whether you have money or are penniless matters nothing to the Stevenson boys. If you want them, they’ll come. Moreover, make no mistake, they are good doctors and surgeons both of them, hard workers and students. Dr. Willie is the better surgeon but Dr. Hughie has a very respectable reputation as a bacteriologist.

It is interesting also to note that they are both unmarried. They have made bachelordom a kind of cult. In fact, they are reported to require the same condition of the attendants about their stable, and they usually have a couple of darky boys looking after the horses and chickens and ducks and dogs, that form part of the household of the brothers. But, while they make this single demand of celibacy, they are not censorious masters. On many occasions when one of the colored boys has stumbled from the straight and narrow way by reason of a crap game in the path, Hughie or his brother has appeared before the magisfrate with the oft-repeated story: “He’s à good boy, Your Honor, and he didn’t mean any harm. We’ll look after him.” And the fine is paid and the grinning darky returns to his place among the geese and dogs and chickens till the next fall. White, black or speckled it matters nothing to the Stevenson brothers. If there is a chance to give a hand, they are the men.

Continued on page 81

The Birth of a Labor Party

Continued from page 23

So it is that Hughie gets his great personal following. It is a matter of good-heartedness mainly, but “approachableness” is another factor. During his three years as mayor of London anyone could get to see him about anything. His office was always open, and Hughie was there ready for business.

These things account in a large measure for his success. There is another thing, his will to get there. Hughie is content to Wait and plan, to lay down a campaign that may cover years, wherein every item serves a definite end. He is no speaker—that, everyone will agree—but he is a strategist of the first water. He knows superlatively well how to get there but fa not too sure of what to do when he arrives.

' He fa a “Bonny Fighter”

AND he is a bonny fighter. In his ■‘A second campaign for the mayoralty he fell foul of the business men and a definite campaign was inaugurated to oust him from the mayoralty chair and put Col. Gartshore in his place. It looked all through the campaign as though he were licked, and never more so than when the votes had been counted and Gol. Gartshore declared elected; Nothing daunted, Hughie demanded a recount and got it, to find that the two candidates were tied. That left the matter up to the city clerk, and the city clerk plumped for Hughie.

, When he gets his feet planted and his head down, he is like that noble denizen of Arkansas—nothing but dynamite will move him. During the course of one of his sessions as mayor, Hughie unearthed what he at least believed were pro-German sympathies on the part of one of the city officials. He promptly refused to sign the official’s salary cheque. The council investigated and decided that the salary was to be paid. All very well to decide things, but that didn’t make Hughie sign. Even the courts were called in to adjudge the case. Hughie stood pat, his feet planted and his head down, and he didn’t sign that cheque. A county judge or some similar official did it in his place and the gentleman whose opinions had aroused Hughie’s ire left the city. He’s just plain stubborn at times, plain nonsensical at others, and never a particularly brilliant administrator. But on the other hand he is a man of untarnished reputation. He has received little from his tenancy of the mayor’s chair. He has paid all his own expenses, and, even when he goes on a deputation on city business, he pays his own way. He can afford to do it, for the Stevensons’ honor system of payments has proved itself. They have accumulated some nice property, and take an evident pride in it. j The question naturally arises is just where do Hughie Stevenson and Labor join? Well, he has always been keenly .interested in the Labor movement, and Î3 at the present time president of the Trades and Labor Council. He is a keen humanitarian, who sees the need of better conditions, and finds in Labor one of the instrumentalities working toward the betterment of these conditions. That is the link between a city doctor and the Labor movement.

IN a Government bristling with youth. ful marvels,, Labor provides its quota of one. Karl Homuth of Preston, Ont., who piled up a majority of 4,000 in South Waterloo, is about 25 years of age. He is liable to be heard fairly frequently during the coming session for he is a' good speaker and enjoys the music of his own voice. That is a

danger, but on the other hand he is a young man of some judgment and a good deal of personality. He is not easily influenced nor easily frightened, and for his immaturity he apparently has the making of a man of some force. He is not a firebrand. He is indeed sufficiently progressive to be called a progressive' by some, and sufficiently conservative to be called a conservative by others. He is capable of being a very useful member. Moreover in him are fused more closely than in many of the other members the combined interests of both the Labor and U.F.O. group. He was elected in a community that is largely rural; he has agreed to the Farmers’ platform and has their full endorsement.

George Halcrow, of Hamilton

GEORGE G. Halcrow of Hamilton, like his fellow citizen the Labor Minister, is a man of comparatively few words. A pleasant-faced man of medium height and rather heavy build, he can sit still and let someone else do the talking. But when he voices an opinion it is in short, crisp, forceful sentences that make his meaning stand out clearly. It is plain speech, without any garnishing of decorative words, but it is sharp and to the point. He is a plumber and steamfitter by trade, and it was this trade that gave him both the incentive and opportunity for public life. He tells the story himself.

‘‘I was called in one day to one of the wealthy homes of Hamilton to do some work, and I saw there every luxury and every comfort that money could buy, and I said to myself, ‘That’s the thing to work for,’—and when I left there I was called to another part of the city to do some work, where a poor man was dying of consumption, and his wife and family on the verge of actual want. And I thought of the two and I said then, ‘It’s damn wrong,’ and it will have to be remedied, and if it isn’t done by legislative means then sooner or later it will be done by means of violence, and I wanted it to be done the right way, and I wanted to have a hand in the doing, and that was what gave me the idea of entering politics.” It was his business then that gave him this idea and the means of attaining it. A plumber is a sociable soul who goes here and there and everywhere accompanied by his wrenches and red lead, and ample time, and he meets a lot of people in that way. Halcrow installed the heating system in many of Hamilton’s largest industrial plants, he got to know the men in those plants, and they to know him. He was elected first as alderman, and for the past couple of years he has served as controller, and served the city well. He contested the Dominion Election of 1917 against Gen Mewburn, because he believed that the Union Government was a capitalistic Government and as far as Labor was concerned the dice were loaded.

Someone speaking of Halcrow called him a practical opportunist. That is not a bad description. He is a progressive who steers a sober middle course and takes advantage of opportunities as they arise. He is a man of fairly advanced ideas, more advanced in his ■ ideas for instance than is the Labor Minister, but he is ready to admit that even a good idea is not necessarily always expedient. In other words he mixes a certain measure of idealism with a goodly measure of hard common sense and the result is a pretty well-balanced viewpoint. "No movement,” he states, “can advance faster than the people want, and there is no practical use in advocating measures, however good, that are ahead of the times.”

Take the question of the eight-hour day, probably the dearest plank in the Labor platform. While Mr. Halcrow is a Labor man, first, last and all the time, be is ready to admit that there may be difficulties in any localized application of this system. “We can’t put the manufacturers of the province under I the disadvantage that such a locally imposed system would entail,” he says. “Anyway I am more interested in the success of the minimum wage than of jthe eight-hour day. I want a man or woman to be able to make a living, and if it can’t be done in eight hours then it had better be done in ten. I believe in the eight-hour day, but I believe the other matter is of greater importance, and I am more interested in that.”

Mr. Halcrow stumped Hamilton in favor of the Hydro-Electric in that city recently, and it is pretty generally admitted that to his efforts a large measure of the credit for the success of the campaign rests. “I’ll go the limit in public ownership,” he stated. “And by that I mean that we have to go on with this thing on a big scale.”

Believes in Increased Responsibility

Mr. Halcrow has some very novel ideas on the machinery of Government. For instance he believes that the Cabinet members should be responsible to the House, and where their actions do not meet with the approval of the majority of the House, that a vote of want of confidence should cause the removal of the minister without jeopardizing the life of the ministry.. He admits that there might be some difficulty in adopting such a course in the Dominion House owing to the necessity of assuring such departments as that of Finance against change in. the middle of a session. But in the Provincial House he believes that there is no reason why such a policy should not be adopted. There is no power to do that at present, he admits, but it is his contention that this Government was elected to do away with some of the hidebound practices, and he anticipates some move to make the Cabinet more directly responsible to the House as a whole. If someone else doesn’t start it, he will.

Halcrow stands with the bulk of the Labor members in his willingness to cooperate with the Farmers’ Party. He frankly states, however, that he would have preferred to see the Labor Party standing out by itself. He admits that there is much in the policy of the two parties that is the same and he believes that it will be possible for them to carry on together in a harmonious working agreement. He is, however, a Labor man and does not consider himself bound to any other party. Measures that are introduced • in* the'interests of the farming community alone, at the expense of some other class, he frankly admits will see him ranged against that party.

For instance he spoke of a rumored proposal of the new Minister of Public Works that a heavier share of the costs of highways should be laid on the cities,

on the ground that the cities profited equally with the country in. the maintenance of good roads. While there is a certain reason in this contention, there is also to be considered that the farm community uses the city streets for which it pays no taxes. Anyway, Controller Halcrow sees in this type of legislation something that will entail heavier burdens on the worker, and he is prepared to fight it. And anyone seeing the man would realize that the fight, should it come, would be a bonny one.

Other Labor Members-Elect

CHARLES SWAZIE of Niagara Falls is described by the Labor men as a Farmer member and by the Farmers as a Labor representative, and it is a little difficult to know in which class he actually does belong. He was endorsed by both parties, and met in the Farmers’ caucus before the Labor men were admitted. Call him a Labor man and you have a decided moderate, a man of some education and an aggressive personality. He is a speaker of some ability. If he is definitely classed as a Labor man he must stand as an instance of the one or two members of that persuasion who do not entirely favor the Hydro-Electric projects.

T. Tooms of Peterborough, who carried the West Peterborough riding against a representative of each of the old parties is a man of a somewhat different stripe. Just what accounts for his election is a matter of some doubt even in Labor circles. In a largely rural riding his defeat of G. A. Gillespie, Liberal, was somewhat striking, Mr. Gillespie was well known and liked in the farming sections of the riding. He conducts a condensed milk and cheese plant in which naturally the farmers are interested. Yet Tooms was able to show a majority. The three-cornered nature of the fight and the solid vote of Labor, were of course factors.

Tooms is a man of radical views, the most radical member perhaps in the Labor Party. He came to this country from England a number of years ago and first entered a large manufactur-. ing plant in Peterborough where, according to report, his aggressive propagation of these views made him an unwelcome worker, with the result that he was later found working for the Peterborough corporation. He is prominent in Labor circles, through the agency of the Federated Association of Labor, which means that he is not associated with any of the unions with International affiliations. Some Labor authorities describe him as a ’“Progressive.” It is known that he believes in certain very advanced things.